Syngman Rhee’s Formal Statement -- May 29, 1952
Press Conference Kyung Mu Dai
Despite the war, the people of Korea are now engrossed in discussions of basic constitutional principles related to the structure of the national legislature and manner of electing the President. As citizens of a young Republic which will be only four years old on July 17, they naturally have some constitutional problems.
The existence of the general interest is masing itself manifest in actions of provincial legislatures, petitions directed to the President and the National Assembly by more than 100 prefectural or other local governmental units and by letters written by individuals. Five of the seven provincial assemblies, representing well over half the population of the country, have during the week taken action requesting the dissolution of the National Assembly for the purpose of obtaining a new national legislature that will adopt the popularly demanded amendments to the constitution so as to complete the republican form of government in Korea. The provincial assemblies which have already taken action are Chungchong-Namdo, Cholla-Pukto, Cholla-Namdo, Kyongsang-Pukto and Kyongsand-Namdo. The three remaining outlying provinces, too, will very likely take similar action.
The discussion of the fundamental problems began on Nov. 20, 1951, with the introduction of a government bill in the National Assembly for amendment of the constitution to provide for a bi-cameral legislature and the election of the President by a direct popular vote. This bill was disapproved by the National Assembly on Jan. 18. On May 14, a new government bill providing for some minor points of amendments on top of the two major ones was introduced. Its period of public notice is not yet out. So, of course, no action has been taken on it.
Certain groups within the National Assembly, opposing changes as proposed by the Government and as supported by increasingly strong insistence by provincial assemblies, local government petition and individual letters, have meantime also proposed to change the constitution by establishing what is referred to as responsible cabinet government with the Prime Minister becoming the chief executive officer of the nation. By providing a non-confidence vote to enforce the general resignation of the cabinet without any provision for the dissolution of the National Assembly, the proposed amendments, if adopted, would make the cabinet responsible to the national legislature which has definitely proved itself irresponsible to its constituency, the people.
It is of paramount concern to the Korean people whether the more democratic Government proposal or the Assembly proposal of virtually subjugating the executive branch of the Government to the legislative one is adopted.
With this constitutional controversy and the approaching Presidential election on our hand, increasing outbursts of Communist violence flared up at Koje Island and guerrilla activities became more and more active. Parts of five districts, including the refugee-swollen Pusan, had to be placed under martial law at midnight Saturday, with Maj. Gen. Won Yong Duk as the Martial Law Commander with the local police under his command.
Under the present constitution the President of Korea is elected by the National Assembly, by a two thirds vote of two thirds of the Assembly present. The present National Assembly was elected two years ago and has two unexpired years of the term of four years.
At the time of the ratification of the constitution it was generally understood that the democratic structure of the government would, in time, be completed by the change from a unicameral to a bicameral legislature and to a direct election of the president substantially after the same pattern as that provided for in the United States.
Undeniable evidence that large Communist funds have flawed in to buy over Assemblymen has forced on the Government the duty of making investigations immediately under the martial law. Disclosures revealing the Communist plot are expected to be made very soon.
